THE SCENE: On Wednesday night, October 11, the 10 candidates for the 1996 Republican Presidential nomination appeared in a candidates' forum sponsored by WMUR-TV in Manchester, New Hampshire, the site of the nation's first presidential primary. Somewhat inaccurately billed as a debate, the event was in fact closer to what The New York Times described as a "joint appearance" by the candidates. One by one, each took the podium to deliver a brief opening statement, followed by questions from a moderator and a short closing statement.

As a group, the GOP hopefuls had disappointingly little to say. Their statements were saturated with vague campaign cliches, from "vision," to a restoration of American "greatness," to delivering "change." Substantive issues like MEDICARE and MEDICAID reform were glossed over or ignored. However -- despite an embarrassing power loss that briefly blacked out the stage -- the night provided an illuminating glimpse at the differences (and telling similarities) among the Republican contenders, and at what form the 1996 race might take.

THE CANDIDATES

LAMAR ALEXANDER: This former Tennessee governor and education secretary was barely introduced before he managed to mention the red-and-black plaid shirt he is known for wearing. The shirt is emblematic of Alexander's heavily-hyped image as the "outsider" of the race, who will wrest control from Washington and the Congress and return it to the state level. "It is hard to change the culture of Washington if you are Washington," Alexander said. Unfortunately for Alexander, his anti-Congress agenda ("cut their pay and send them home") has lost its resonance now that friendly anti-government Republicans are running the show.

Alexander pledged his support for TAX CUTS, as well as a balanced budget and relaxed federal regulations. More than any other speaker, Alexander stressed "vision" as a theme, although some would say his foundering campaign has been dogged by a lack of just that element.

PAT BUCHANAN: Buchanan, a former speechwriter to President Richard Nixon and a television commentator from CNN's "Crossfire," dogged George Bush during the 1992 primaries -- particularly in New Hampshire, where he scored 37percent of the GOP vote by painting Bush as a wishy-washy moderate.

Buchanan displayed his flair for no-nonsense, tough conservative rhetoric on Wednesday by assailing Bill Clinton for increasing taxes, establishing "racial quotas" in the executive branch, and promoting his pro-choice position on abortion. Although Buchanan was a fixture in the capitol for decades, (like Alexander) he claims he is "not part of the culture of Washington ... not part of the system."

Calling himself "a trade hawk," Buchanan decried the U.S. trade deficit, which he blamed for sapping American jobs. He zeroed in on social issues as well, lamenting that "we're losing the country that we grew up in," and saying he didn't believe that "the homosexual rights agenda ... should be taught as something good and decent" in public schools. The darling of the far-right but unlikely nominee called the welfare state "destructive" and pledged his support for Congressional WELFARE REFORM efforts.

BOB DOLE: Bob Dole, Senate Majority Leader and two-time presidential candidate, has delivered more than enough stump speeches to last a lifetime -- and it showed. The Kansas senator combined a smooth delivery and self-confidence with a sense that he was reading from a script designed to push voters' political buttons.

New Hampshire has a special significance for Dole, whose front-runner status -- and chance for nomination -- was harshly dashed here seven years ago. He desperately wants to vindicate his primary loss to then-Vice-President George Bush, and to tangibly affirm his current status as the undisputed leader of the Republican field. (He took care to include a special nod to the state by vowing to uphold its cherished status as the first to hold a primary vote.) Dole also underscored his conservative credentials, which are important in winning over the Republican party activists who strongly influence the nomination process. In doing so, he continued a difficult tight-rope walk he has been performing for months between activist-pleasing conservatism and general-public-pleasing moderation. For instance, he pointed to Congressional approval of a purported $245 billion TAX CUT, even though he has hinted recently that the size of the cut may have to be reduced to appease party moderates. Dole also noted a conservative editorial endorsement of the Senate's WELFARE REFORM bill. And, arguing that "the principles of the revolution of 1994 must be continued," he reaffirmed his commitment to "saving" MEDICARE, a balanced budget amendment, and attainment of a balanced federal budget by the year 2002.

Tellingly, Dole seemed to fumble a question asking what he would do if elected president, reverting instead to his standard laundry-list of Congressional programs and seeming to have little to say about the executive office.

BOB DORNAN: Listening to Dornan can sometimes feel like watching a hyperactive child who must run around until he wears himself out. Unsurprisingly, Dornan, a longtime California congressman, former radio talk-show host, and infamous fire-breather, rambled somewhat angrily through a range of populist, conservative topics and argued that "a small group of liberal elitists" in Manhattan and Los Angeles are "poisoning the minds of innocent youth in this country."

Dornan nailed the "triple draft-dodger and adulterer" Bill Clinton as the overseer of "advanced and accelerated moral decay -- a meltdown of our culture," pointing specifically to the sexual scandals that forced Sen. Bob Packwood (R-OR) and Rep. Mel Reynolds (D-IL) out of Congress.

Dornan mirrors his opponents in calling for lower taxes and less government spending, but is more strident than most in attacking abortion rights and is almost manically obsessed with the military, noting that he had test-flown the B-2 bomber in May. However Dornan, who has hinted he may not have the funds to continue his campaign much longer, has filed for re-election to his congressional seat, one of many reasons not to take his candidacy too seriously.

STEVE FORBES: This was the first significant appearance for Forbes since the millionaire businessman announced his candidacy last month. Considering his inexperience, Forbes performed well, although he appeared rather stiff and seemed uncomfortable with questions on foreign policy.

Forbes's candidacy is premised on economics and inspired by the "supply-side" theory championed during the Reagan era. Promising to "revitalize the American experiment," Forbes offers a flat tax in lieu of TAX CUTS, proposing to apply a 17 percent tax rate to all Americans, and would exempt pensions, social security and personal savings. Forbes argues that gutting the tax system "removes the principal source of corruption in Washington." His economic message alone seems unlikely to ignite the electorate. To be successful, Forbes's campaign must get mileage out of his "outsider" status -- and his willingness to spend millions of his own dollars.

PHIL GRAMM: Phil Gramm, Texas senator and former Democratic congressman is probably Bob Dole's main challenger for the nomination. He happily gloats about the power of his fund-raising network, matched only by Dole and, to a lesser extent, Alexander. As usual, Gramm identified himself with Ronald Reagan and trumpeted his years of fighting for a balanced budget, pledging he would balance the federal books in his first Presidential term or not seek reelection. "I was a footsoldier in the Reagan revolution and as President I want to finish the Reagan revolution," he said. Gramm has been a leading fighter for major TAX CUTS and for a balanced budget amendment.

For months, Gramm has been hounding Dole in the Senate, hoping to paint himself as the stubborn conservative substitute to Dole's deal-making. He is tied closely to the religious right and dodged a question asking whether he disagreed with the Christian Coalition over any issue. Dole's WELFARE REFORM bill has been a frequent target for Gramm, who said the government must "stop giving people more money to have more children." Gramm also called for reduced government and more local control over issues like education, saying Americans should make those decisions themselves "every night around the kitchen table."

ALAN KEYES: Keyes, a twice-failed candidate for Maryland governor and a former official in the Reagan State Department, knows he has no chance of winning the nomination. But by running, he hopes to keep his pet issues of family values and opposition to abortion in the debate. Keyes said the principal problem in America today is "the breakdown of the marriage-based two-parent family ... the building-block institution of our society," and emphasized "self-discipline and responsibility as well as rights." Like other candidates, Keyes calls for a decentralization of federal power. But the others lack his strong emphasis on "non-government faith-based institutions," such as churches, which he said were instrumental in WELFARE REFORM.

Keyes does tend to ramble, however, and came across as a bit hot-headed by calling a moderator's question "stupid."

RICHARD LUGAR: Dick Lugar, the influential Senator from Indiana, is known for being as competent and serious as he is dry and uninspiring. That image was evident Wednesday, as Lugar billed himself as "a straight shooter -- a truth-teller tested at the local, state, federal and international levels for four decades."

Lugar shot straight at the whipping boy of the night, America's tax system, calling for an end to federal and state income taxes and the abolition of the Internal Revenue Service. In their place, Lugar says, he will implement a state-administered national sales tax which, he claims, will boost America's low savings and investment rates, and help to jolt stagnant incomes.

Lugar, chairman of the Senate Agriculture Committee, will be instrumental in the passage of a FARM BILL. He is, perhaps, best-known for his foreign-policy expertise, but said surprisingly little about foreign affairs, probably because voters today are overwhelmingly interested in domestic issues. And while his high-minded ideals (he rejects the notion that "politics is half-truths and entertainment") are admirable, but they have yet to energize support.

ARLEN SPECTER: Arlen Specter tried to enhance his own less-than-stellar stage presence on Wednesday with some props that underscored his message. Specter, a senator from Pennsylvania, is best-known as the only pro-choice Republican in the race. But he too jumped into the anti-tax ring, holding up a placard depicting a blown-up sample of the postcard-sized tax return form he would institute.

Specter called himself "the real conservative" among the bunch, "a fiscal economic conservative and a social libertarian" who supports abortion rights on the grounds that the government has no business in the bedroom. He also called for a smaller federal government and TAX CUTS for working Americans, but said the federal budget must be balanced "with a scalpel and not a meat-axe."

Specter has chastised the other GOP candidates for what he describes as pandering to pro-life and religious activists within the party. He vowed to "avoid the extremism of the left and the extremism of the fringe," and conceded that the 1991 Clarence Thomas confirmation hearings, during which his sensitivity to sexual harassment was questioned, "were a learning experience."

MORRY TAYLOR: Not since Vice Rear Admiral James Stockdale, Ross Perot's 1992 running mate asked "Who am I? Why am I here," mid-debate, has someone been so ill-equipped for national political exposure. Taylor, like Perot, is a millionaire businessman financing his own campaign. He is president and CEO of Titan Wheel International, and has no political experience, a fact he uses to his advantage. "These men have 138 years of Washington political experience," Taylor said of his opponents. But while Taylor's populist ideas may grab the attention of disgruntled voters, they're largely half-baked and impractical. He proposes to balance the budget in an astonishing 18 months, and to eliminate one-third of the federal bureaucracy by firing one million federal employees. Arguing that the best qualification for the presidency is "to have some management and some business experience," Taylor says his record of business success makes him preferable to lawyers and career politicians. But his tenuous proposals and his difficulty dealing with simple questions leave that claim in doubt.